Curbing Coups in African Democracy in the Digital Age
Curbing Coups in African Democracy in the Digital Age
By Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola
The failed coup attempt in Benin is not simply a national incident; it is a continental warning. It reminds us that democracy in Africa, though resilient, remains vulnerable to executive overreach, military discontent, corruption, and regional contagion. Yet it also demonstrates that swift regional responses and strong civic trust can blunt the ambitions of plotters. In the digital age, where narratives spread faster than bullets, curbing coups requires a deliberate blend of institutional renewal, military reform, regional solidarity, and a renewed commitment to caring for the people.
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The Anatomy of Benin’s Failed Coup
Benin’s attempted coup was driven by three interlocking factors: democratic backsliding, deteriorating security, and regional contagion. Since Patrice Talon’s election in 2016, Benin has experienced a steady erosion of democratic space. Opposition parties were excluded from the 2019 elections, internet blackouts silenced dissent, and judicial capture tilted the balance of power. Constitutional reforms extending presidential and legislative terms to seven years, alongside the creation of a Senate, raised fears of entrenched executive dominance. These manoeuvres transformed Benin from a vibrant democracy into what critics now call an “electoral autocracy.”
The Sahel’s jihadist insurgency has spilled into Benin’s northern frontier, claiming soldiers’ lives and exposing gaps in military support. Plotters cited neglect of fallen comrades, poor promotions, and mismanagement of security as reasons for their disillusionment. When soldiers feel abandoned, coups become framed as acts of justice rather than betrayal. This is a dangerous narrative that must be dismantled.
Since 2020, Africa’s coup belt has expanded, with 11 successful seizures of power across West and Central Africa. The ideological narratives of juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger—anti-French, anti-elite, militaristic—have seeped into Beninese military circles. Benin’s failed coup was the fifth attempt in this period, underscoring the dangerous momentum of contagion. Coups are contagious because they offer a false promise of quick solutions to complex problems. In the digital age, this contagion is amplified by social media, where militaristic rhetoric can be packaged as patriotism and spread across borders in seconds.
Regional and National Responses
ECOWAS and Nigeria acted decisively, learning from the delayed intervention in Niger in 2023. Nigeria launched airstrikes, while ECOWAS deployed standby forces, signalling a new era of rapid defence of democracy. This swift response demonstrated that regional bodies can act with urgency when constitutional order is threatened. Importantly, Benin’s coup lacked popular support. Unlike uprisings elsewhere, this was an elite-driven mutiny, not a mass revolt. Citizens continued to trust electoral processes, demonstrating that democracy’s legitimacy still rests with the people. Yet the timing—months before elections—revealed a troubling perception among military actors that ballots were ineffective, justifying pre-emptive force. This perception must be challenged. Elections, however imperfect, remain the legitimate mechanism for change. Coups are not solutions—they are setbacks.
Strategic Solutions for a Coup-Free Future
The solutions to coups in Africa must be assertive, comprehensive, and rooted in both national reforms and regional solidarity. They must also recognise the unique challenges of the digital age, where disinformation and militaristic narratives can destabilise democracies overnight.
Restoring democratic institutions is the first imperative. Courts must be insulated from executive influence, opposition parties must be allowed to participate fully, and controversial constitutional reforms that centralise power must be repealed or revised. Democracy cannot survive without institutions that are respected, independent, and inclusive. Restoring them is non-negotiable.
Professionalising and reconciling the military is equally critical. Soldiers must be rewarded for service, not punished for loyalty. Promotions should be merit-based, transparent, and equitable. Wages, healthcare, and support for combat losses must be prioritised. Neglect breeds resentment; care builds loyalty. Military education must emphasise non-intervention in civilian governance, teaching soldiers that their role is to defend democracy, not dismantle it. A professional military is the strongest bulwark against coups. When soldiers are respected, supported, and aligned with democratic values, mutiny loses its appeal.
Enhancing security and civil-military partnership is another pillar. Border security must be strengthened to prevent jihadist spillover, with investment in intelligence, logistics, and technology. Security must not come at the expense of freedom; citizens must feel safe from both insurgents and their own governments. Regular engagement between civilian leaders and military officers can build trust and prevent grievances from festering. Security is not only about defeating insurgents—it is about building trust between the state and its defenders.
Regional quick-response frameworks must be fortified. ECOWAS should refine rapid-deployment mechanisms with clear triggers for intervention when the constitutional order is threatened. Delay emboldens plotters; speed deters them. Regional bodies must collaborate with international partners to ensure credibility and capacity, while regular joint exercises can ensure readiness and demonstrate resolve. Regional solidarity is Africa’s greatest defence against coups. When plotters know that intervention will be swift and decisive, their ambitions falter.
Combating coup contagion in the digital age is essential. African states must commit publicly to rejecting coups, with binding protocols and sanctions for violators. Citizens must be reminded that coups undermine progress, growth, and safety. Narratives that glorify military takeovers must be countered with facts and civic education. Social media must be harnessed to spread democratic values, counter disinformation, and expose the dangers of militaristic rhetoric. In the digital age, the battle for democracy is fought not only in parliaments and barracks but also on screens. Winning this battle requires proactive engagement, not passive observation.
Undoubtedly, no democracy can withstand the corrosive effects of corruption. African democratic stakeholders must be held to the highest standards of integrity, transparency, and accountability. Leaders who exploit public office for personal gain weaken institutions and fuel resentment that militaries exploit. To deter coups, corruption must be treated as treason against the people. Anti-corruption agencies must be empowered, whistle-blowers protected, and illicit wealth confiscated. Yet deterrence alone is not enough.
Essentially, Governance must be re‑centred on caring for the people—providing education, healthcare, jobs, infrastructure, and social safety nets that demonstrate democracy’s tangible benefits. When citizens see that democracy delivers dignity, fairness, and opportunity, they will defend it passionately against any attempt to subvert or destabilise it, ensuring that democratic legitimacy remains unshakable and future generations inherit a culture of trust and accountability.
Conclusion: A Collective Responsibility
Benin’s failed coup is both a cautionary tale and a call to renewal. To consign coups to history, African democracies must rebuild institutions, professionalise their militaries, deter corruption, and empower regional frameworks to act decisively. True stability cannot be imposed—it must be earned through trust in civic institutions, transparency, inclusion, and cooperation across borders.
The digital age adds urgency to this task. Disinformation, militaristic rhetoric, and authoritarian narratives can spread faster than ever before. But so too can democratically ascertained values, civic education, and regional solidarity. Africa must choose which narrative it amplifies.
Coups are not solutions—they are symptoms of deeper failures. The solutions lie in governance that is accountable, professional militaries, and regional bodies that are resolute. Above all, they lie in citizens who believe in democracy and are willing to defend it.
Benin’s failed coup should not be remembered as another attempt in a long list of African mutinies. It should be remembered as the moment when Africa decided that coups would no longer define its politics. It should be remembered as the turning point when democracy, in the digital age, became not only defended but deepened.
By Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola is Africa’s First Professor of Cybersecurity and Information Technology Management, Chartered Manager, UK Digital Journalist, Strategic Advisor & Prophetic Mobiliser for National Transformation, and General Evangelist of CAC Nigeria and Overseas